A happy Japanese family. All females have the possibility of dealing with Konenchi symptoms the same way across a span of generations.What is Konenki? According to Margaret Lock “we are forced to talk about konenchi and its linked concepts, because physical changes or difficulties that occur at this time are attributed by most to larger, more encompassing events, internal and external to the body, not simply to observable changes in the menstrual cycle or declining estrogen levels (22).” Lock’s observation of the how Japanese women and doctors describe konenki unveils that “konenki” is more than our ideas of what menopause entails. Konenki describes more of a holistic experience of mind and body changes that are associated with diseases of old age, but because it is also heavily associated with the menstrual irregularity of middle aged women; Konenki can easily be confused with menopause in the Western thinking. Lock’s interviews were conducted to ultimately discuss possible ways to deal with this stage in life (3).
Not only what do, but to "Say?"The meaning of “konenki” has not only been described broadly by Japanese women, but also by doctors. Lock mentions that “Many women have a good scientific grasp of the menstrual cycle and are well versed in simple endocrinology…when talking about menstruation, however, the majority take a broad approach to what it represents (22).” How could it be that these women do not talk about their experience as more of a personal matter if the language used to talk about menstruation is not confined to medical practice?
We could approach this question by examining the contemporary approach to how middle aged women are dealt with in medical practice. Unfortunately, this particular sector of the Japanese population does not have much presence in the realm of medical priority. The lack of the “medicalization” has brought much “haze” into questions of whether or not konenki is actually a serious condition. For this assumed reason, sixty percent of women have never talked about konenki with a doctor (Lock 258). The notion that konenki is a natural process because it is seems to happen to women are “on the verge of starting to get old” makes konenki such a mundane transitory stage in life that it needs not to be mentioned as a serious problem. Some women have noted that konenki itself is something that can be controlled by the how “you let yourself feel about it (7).” This quote invokes an argument that diminishes the value of konenki in medical science, and on a grandeur scale: in society.
The collection of moods is a reminder of how people look like according to their moods. It also gives a sense of the types of moods we could have and how easily our moods could change because there are so many different moods. Although it is normal for people to have these moods, how many people can you recall as "moody?" Would you consider "moodiness" a serious condition in society? How do you treat or react to "moody" people? Do you tell them to get a grip of life? Would you treat people going through midlife crisis this way? Why might we treat the moodiness of midlife crisis differently?
We could approach this question by examining the contemporary approach to how middle aged women are dealt with in medical practice. Unfortunately, this particular sector of the Japanese population does not have much presence in the realm of medical priority. The lack of the “medicalization” has brought much “haze” into questions of whether or not konenki is actually a serious condition. For this assumed reason, sixty percent of women have never talked about konenki with a doctor (Lock 258). The notion that konenki is a natural process because it is seems to happen to women are “on the verge of starting to get old” makes konenki such a mundane transitory stage in life that it needs not to be mentioned as a serious problem. Some women have noted that konenki itself is something that can be controlled by the how “you let yourself feel about it (7).” This quote invokes an argument that diminishes the value of konenki in medical science, and on a grandeur scale: in society.
The collection of moods is a reminder of how people look like according to their moods. It also gives a sense of the types of moods we could have and how easily our moods could change because there are so many different moods. Although it is normal for people to have these moods, how many people can you recall as "moody?" Would you consider "moodiness" a serious condition in society? How do you treat or react to "moody" people? Do you tell them to get a grip of life? Would you treat people going through midlife crisis this way? Why might we treat the moodiness of midlife crisis differently? The assumption that konenki is controllable by individuals embraces the idea that konenki is a mood disorder that doesn’t call for societal or cultural reformations to “correct” or alleviate konenki. In fact, because not every middle age women can or cannot control how she feels about it, why should there be a need to go through the process of “medicalizing” it? The avoidance of “medicalizing” konenki not only makes it permissible to neglect the uncomfortable experiences of the middle aged women by society and for her to down grade her own experiences, but also helps to shift attention away from condemning cultural and political factors. Cultural and political implications from “medicalizing” konenki inevitably address reform and new agenda for the entire country to embark. Will Japan allow women to have equal footing as men in all aspects of society? The answer to this question can project whether or not konenki will be “medicalized” and how its meaning can change if it were to be “medicalized.” Afterall, konenki will have to have definite meanings as part of an instituted effort on part of medical science's diagnostic approach. Furthermore, the social implications regarding how the middle aged Japanese women is to be treated is questionable since cultural agenda’s have an adaptable component.
Contemporary cultural beliefs about middle aged women have aided both women and medical science to speak about konenki experiences in broad terms. Coining the stereotype that konenki is a “luxury disease (276)” perpetuates the false impression that konenki is only a problem when middle aged women have too much time on their hands to think about their experiences. Women become the culprit for making konenki a “disease” when it shouldn’t have to be through making better use of time. Konenki in this context stems from a class issue, not of Japan’s political and socio-cultural coercion of women. If the middle class, middle aged women could only adopt the productive attitudes of lower class women, then it is presumably better for the women’s health and also helps the nation to have a stronger workforce. Due to the negative connotations associated with this stereotype, women of lower status should actually feel proud of being able to “endure” konenki without any complaints. This sentiment flourishes not only among women, but also among physicians. All women can get a hold of medication for her aches and irritability, but creating a public outcry is perhaps the monumental issue.
Ignorance about how Konenki happens and inconsistent explanations also come from the ranking of menopause as a “low research priority” in which there are “few teaching hours [of the topic] in medical schools (Lock 293).” The few hours of study of this topic forces the physician to use his/her own “clinical mentality” in which the “clinicians bring to each clinical encounter their own culturally infused preconceived notions about what the transition represents morally, symbolically, and politically (Lock 293).” If the clinicians preconceived notions conforms to social norms then, it is likely for konenki to be a "minuscule" problem to society. The lack of specialty and psychologist to help middle aged women talk about their problems shows an overall lack of resources for middle aged Japanese women to cope. Perhaps, an immediate concern for Japan would be to have more psychologists so women could speak about their stresses in life mentally and physically. Gynecologists can then better focus on their job description and direct approach to issues may be taken (Lock 264). The contemporary approached has been to use herbal and prescribed pharmaceutical medicines which only ensures that the market for drugs stays prosperous without any change to social establishments of norms. Can anyone really question motives of pharmaceutical companies and the physicians who promotes pharmaceutical products if physicians tell middle aged women to not ‘worry about what other people think’ because what really counts is ‘if it makes you feel better (Lock 291)?’ The individual experience is emphasized to increase pharmaceutical drug sales. This way Japan can still stay at the top of scientific research without unfavorable consequences for the patriarchal order. It is difficult to separate whether or not physicians are more or less determined to prescribed drugs because of patient care ethics or for profit reasons.
Patriarchal constructions are embedded in family relations. It is likely that Japanese middle aged women do not have much authority to express their complaints about emotional and physical changes. The Japanese women live through a life of being an obedient daughter and daughter in-law, wife, and mother. Even if the Japanese women acknowledges that her family is the cause of making her konenki experience more stressful, she may still have to delay divorce because of her monetary resources (Lock 274). It is assumed that divorces are “not good” for children so Japanese women maybe less likely to immediately leave a marital relationship (Lock 282).” Women are susceptible to having a difficult period with konenki when family life taxes them of their emotional and physical health.
Perhaps we will learn of what “konenki” really is when further studies in its medicalization is underway. Current gynecologists like Dr. Sasake who diverts from the trivializing “the biological changes…and dimiss[es] patients as being weak-willed and self-indulgent (Lock 280)” have been part of the new effort to approach konenki differently. Can this approach of looking at the konenki in a more complex perspective give pharmaceutical drugs less significance in the lives of middle aged Japanese women? Can any real changes be made if the aim of reducing stress of konenki involves changes in family values and governmental reform of itself and medical establishments? How much can ethics change in a society in which women were “sacrificed for the good of the country (Lock 277)?”
Sources
Lock, Margaret. 1993. The Turn of Life-Unstable Meanings AND The Doctoring of Konenki. IN Encounters with Aging: Mythologies of Menopause in Japan and North America. Pp. 3-30, 256-298. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Sources of images listed in order presented
"Japanese family in the living room the Grandmother passing a gift to her granddaughter." 2009. Online Image. Fotosearch: Stock Photography and Images. 12 July 2009.
"Oh What to to, what to doo." 2009. Making Decisions. Online Image. 12 July 2009.
"Mood Faces." 2008. Online Image. The Celt Athens Online. 12 July 2009.
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